D.I.CA.F

By Apipa P. Bagumbaran

CAGAYAN DE ORO CITY, Feb. 7 (PIA) -- An information and consultation working group has been recently organized to cater to the information needs of individuals displaced by the onslaught of tropical storm Sendong in Northern Mindanao last December.

Members of the working group include the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), Department of Interior and Local Government, Commission on Human Rights, Philippine Information Agency, United Nations Children’s Fund, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee, Protection Standby Capacity, and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

In its organization meeting, the group acknowledged the urgent need to implement an information strategy that would provide Sendong survivors with accurate and timely information on issues concerning access to services, entitlements of both formal and informal settlers, relocation plans and sites, geo-hazard zones, and grievance procedure.

The group also agreed to come-up with key messages so that internally displaced persons (IDPs) will get the same information from all sources.

Thus, the working group resolved to carry out the following communication activities: production and dissemination of a weekly bulletin and frequently asked questions from IDPs; training of IDPs as information messengers; putting-up of information board and recommendation/comment boxes at the different evacuation centers and relocation sites; use of radio, television, social media, and text blasting in the dissemination of key messages; and regular issuance of media briefer to update members of the media.

Charmaine Tadlas, DSWD-10 Information Officer and chairperson of the working group, stressed that well-informed IDPs will result to lesser speculations and increase support and affirmation for government services.

Through this communication initiatives and activities, the right information will be brought to the IDPs that will lead to a smoother implementation of the rehabilitation and early recovery programs for the said IDPs, she added. (APB/PIA-10)

Johannesburg/Brussels | 6 Feb 2012

A bold approach to the sanctions issue is necessary to refocus efforts on the actions needed to break the political stalemate in Zimbabwe before elections are held that otherwise threaten to be as violent and undemocratic as the 2008 round.

The International Crisis Group briefing Zimbabwe’s Sanctions Standoff describes need for a nuanced approach distinguishing the various measures imposed by the EU, U.S. and other Western states. All parties claim to support ending sanctions but the issue is treated more as a political football than a problem to be resolved. Sanctioners argue reform deficits justify continuation. Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party calls reform contingent on removal; the Southern African Development Community (SADC) says they exacerbate conditions; the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations argue removal would be more feasible if the Global Political Agreement (GPA) reached after the 2008 elections was kept to.

“President Mugabe and ZANU-PF manipulate the issue politically and propagandise it as part of their efforts to frustrate reforms and mobilise against perceived internal and external threats to national sovereignty”, says Piers Pigou, Crisis Group’s Southern Africa Project Director. “Supporters of sanctions have not connected individual measures adequately to the broader struggle for democracy, and they have never gained support for them from the region”.

Sanctions were introduced in response to political violence, human rights abuses and rule-of-law violations, as well as deteriorating democratic standards that followed the violent 2000 and 2002 elections. They include targeted measures against individuals and entities, like visa bans and asset freezes; restrictions on much government-to-government aid (though not humanitarian and some development help), as well as on access to loans and credits in international financial institutions; and arms embargoes.

The measures have generated a polarised narrative between those who argue that Zimbabwe is under a broad sanctions regime that is primarily responsible for its economic woes, and those who claim that they are limited, and ZANU-PF policies and practices are mainly responsible for economic disintegration. The gridlock reflects the broader paralysis that characterises Zimbabwe’s politics and underscores the necessity for key reforms to secure credible elections that must be held by June 2013.

Sanctions cannot be dealt with in isolation from broader challenges, but insistence that their removal requires virtually full implementation of reform has stymied exploration of innovative approaches. Those imposing them should make distinctions between the various types. In particular, they should do a comprehensive review of their impact; be more flexible on targeted measure when an individual’s travel involves legitimate government business; keep arms embargoes but make greater effort to engage the security sector so as to promote dialogue about its responsibilities; and seek to negotiate with SADC a suspension of the ban on much government-to-government aid linked to implementation of key election-related reforms and more vigorous SADC facilitation within an agreed timeframe.

The GPA signatories (ZANU-PF and the MDC) and the facilitator, SADC (with South Africa leading), should put realistic options on the table tying relaxation and eventual removal of all sanctions to a realistic reform agenda, as set out in the draft election roadmap and including monitored implementation.

“All that requires a degree of political commitment that has largely been absent”, says Africa Program Director Comfort Ero. “But if it can be summoned, there may yet be a chance to put in place at least the minimum conditions, including restraints on the security services, needed for genuine elections by 2013”.

Executive summary

The purpose of this review is to assess to what extent UNHCR, WFP, Unicef, and UNOCHA are aware of and integrate the standards of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Gender Handbook in Humanitarian Action in its programming, and to what extent this Handbook is being used and implemented as a guiding tool in humanitarian operations.
The review also briefly assesses the GenCap system and the cluster approach with regard to the implementation processes.

The main body of the data was collected between July and October 2010. I visited Kenya and Haiti to study the operations related to the Somalian refugee camps in Dadaab and post-earthquake Port-au-Prince, respectively.

In addition to personal interviews in the field, I have conducted telephone interviews with selected members of staff and management representatives at headquarters. I have studied relevant documents, including programme and project proposals, training material, progress reports, newsletters and email correspondence. GenCap advisers have been invited to fill out a questionnaire about their work in different humanitarian operations, with different agencies. In addition, I have observed field officers in their daily work, to obtain some understanding of the contextual challenges that affect the way humanitarian assistance is delivered.

The data are solely qualitative, and much of it in narrative style, which means they are challenging to process into ‘quick reference’ sets of results. My aim has been to capture what is actually taking place, with regard to the practical implementation of gender mainstreaming and targeted actions in humanitarian operations, rather than how the UN organisations or their staff wish to be perceived.

Findings indicate that while none of the reviewed organisations have fully integrated the Handbook in their humanitarian work and responses, all are in the process of implementing standards and principles of similar or comparable quality. Staff relate almost exclusively to their own organisation’s gender policies, handbooks and guidelines for capacity building, programme planning and field-level practices, with the Handbook e-learning course and the IASC Guidelines for Gender-based Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Settings as notable exceptions. What seem to be missing are functioning systems to ensure coherence and predictability in Gender mainstreaming and targeted actions (GMTA) at all organisational levels, and/or ownership to the Handbook as a common reference.

The clusters represent a systematic approach to ensure a more coherent delivery of gender sensitive emergency support by UN agencies. The Handbook and its standards can as such be seen to represent a common effort to put GMTA on UN’s humanitarian agenda, in which all participating agencies – through the IASC and the cluster-based coordination structure – are active stakeholders. Findings suggest, however, that most of the identified gender mainstreaming and targeted actions originate within the agencies rather than through cluster cooperation and contact.

The GenCap initiative comes across as an effective support in bringing IASC’s gender material more actively into the agencies’ humanitarian training, planning, and practices.
GenCap advisers also appear able to function as ‘agents’ who understand and know how to bridge IASC material and the agencies’ on-going activities in a given emergency operation. The number of GenCap advisers deployed is, however, fairly limited in relation to the scale of humanitarian operations worldwide.

Recommendations include a strengthened focus on ‘calibrating’ the individual agencies’ own policies and guidelines on GMTA – with the Handbook as a common reference, intensified encouragement of inter-agency and agency-partner communication on genderrelated issues, further roll-out of the Handbook e-learning course, a possible expansion of the GenCap capacity, and a new common training capacity on gender that provides career-meriting certification on gender-related competence.

Does climate change sow the seeds of war? Until recently, most answers to this political question have been based on speculation. A landmark issue of Journal of Peace Research published by SAGE on behalf of the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) investigates a host of potential causes for conflict. Many other factors have a far greater influence than climate change on peace and stability, most of the studies conclude. Special Issue of Journal of Peace Research on Climate Change & Conflict. Guest editor: Nils Petter Gleditsch.

On balance, the authors featured in JPR only find limited support for an influence of climate change on armed conflict. But this does not eliminate the possibility that when climate issues are framed as a security problem, this may influence actor perception and contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy.

In the largest collection of peer-reviewed writings on the topic to date, the authors employ systematic climate data and climate projections. Most of the articles deal with civil war, a few with international war, and several studies go beyond state-based conflict to look at possible implications for communal conflict and other kinds of violence.

Several possible mechanisms between climate change and conflict, notably rainfall variations and an increased frequency of natural disasters. Several articles also examine the potential for international conflict in water resources shared by several countries.

An article based on data from the 2005-09 World Values Survey documents strong world-wide concern about global warming and suggests that this might eventually generate mass political participation and demand for political action. However, they find that variation across nations in wealth and CO2 emissions is not significantly related to the publics’ assessments of the problem. Paradoxically, people from countries commonly believed to be more severely affected by climate change are less, not more concerned about global warming. An article by Erik Gartzke points out that economic development drives peace as well as climate change. Thus, efforts to curb climate change in middle-income nations, if these limit income, may actually have a destabilizing effect in security terms.

By Sui-Lee Wee

BEIJING, Feb 7 (Reuters) - Thousands of refugees from fighting in remote northern Myanmar have flooded into makeshift tent cities erected on the other side of the long border with China, creating a humanitarian crisis and a complex diplomatic dilemma for Beijing.

Up to 10,000 refugees have fled to an area in southwestern Yunnan province, driven by fighting between Myanmar's military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), one of the country's most powerful rebel groups, five aid groups told Reuters. Many of the refugeees are women, children and elderly people.

Read the full report on Alertnet.

In the past three weeks, at least 10,000 people are reported to have crossed to Niger, 9,000 have found refuge in Mauritania and 3,000 in Burkina Faso.

In Niger, most of the new arrivals are from Menaka in Mali. Some have settled very close to the volatile border. Many of the new arrivals are sleeping in the open and have little access to shelter, clean water, health services, and food. People are scattered mainly in villages in Tillaberery, Ouallam, and Filingue districts, in the north of the country. Sinegodar, a village in Tillabery district, is hosting over 5,500 Malians, with one sole water point for the entire refugee and local population.

While most of those who recently fled Mali are Malians, recent arrivals in Niger also include nationals of Niger who had been living in Mali for decades. Many have been crossing the border between the two countries regularly to find grazing land for their cattle.

Local communities along the border, affected by the food crisis themselves in the Sahel, are sharing their resources with the new arrivals. The authorities have also distributed food.

Four additional UNHCR staff are already in Niger and more are on their way. We plan to send aid for 10,000 people from our stockpiles in the region.

Our office in Ouagadougou, in Burkina Faso also reported the arrival of some 3,000 Malian Tuaregs following attacks on their homes and businesses in the Malian capital Bamako and in the nearby town of Kati last week. Many of the new arrivals are staying with host families in Ouagadougou and Bobo Dioulasso, 320 kilometres south-west of the capital. Other new arrivals have been reported in the north west of the country, especially near Djibo, in Soum province. An inter-agency mission, including UNHCR, is scheduled to go there by the end of the week to assess the needs of the people.

Meanwhile in Mauritania UNHCR has sent several missions to the village of Fassala, in the region of Hodh el Chargi 3km from the border with Mali, where over 9,000 people have arrived since 25th January. The mainly ethnic Tuareg Malian refugees come from the region of Léré on the other side of the border. They told UNHCR that they fled fighting between Government forces and rebel Tuareg fighters, fearing retaliation by army troops.

The Mauritanian authorities, with the support of UNHCR, are taking care of the new arrivals. Medical services are being offered by the local health clinics and water is being trucked in by the authorities. UNHCR Mauritania distributed 15-day food rations and non food items to cover the urgent needs of 5000 refugees in the refugee site of Fassala. Key needs identified are food, shelter and other basic items. UNHCR will strengthen its presence in Mauritania by fielding an emergency support team.

Fighting between the Tuareg liberation movement MNLA (Mouvement National de Liberation de l’Azawad) and governmental forces resumed on 17 January in Mali, breaking a 2009 agreement that had officially ended the Tuareg rebellion.

International humanitarian system will not cope with increased case load without going local

The international humanitarian response system will fail to cope with the expected rise in the number of people exposed to crises unless there are more resources closer to where disasters happen and there is more investment in preventing and reducing the risk of disasters, warned international agency Oxfam today.

In a new report, Crises in a New World Order, Oxfam said that while governments’ and agencies’ response to emergencies has greatly improved it still remains ‘too little, too late’ and is often determined by the vagaries of media and political interest rather than level of human need.

“Coping with the expected strains on the humanitarian system will mean a shift from global to local. We are already seeing the center of humanitarian action moving away from the Western world to the local and the national but this move needs to accelerate. International aid agencies cannot just pitch up, patch up and push-off, they also have to ensure that people and countries are better prepared to withstand future shocks. Having local organizations already on the ground are primed to go will increase both the speed and the efficiency of the aid effort and ultimately will save more lives,” said Jane Cocking OxfamGB’s Humanitarian Director.

This shift is vital as significant demands will be placed on the humanitarian system through the expected rise in the number of people exposed to disasters, the rising number of weather-related disasters and the failure to resolve conflicts adequately and turn round failed states.

Humanitarian work is effective in an emergency but more emphasis should be placed on preventing crises escalating. Not only would it save lives, but it would also save money. The UN estimated that in Niger in 2005 it cost $1 to save a malnourished child’s life. Once Niger’s food crisis was in full swing it cost $80.

Too little has been done to prevent and reduce the risk of disaster. Aid to programs that reduce the risk of disaster stood at only 0.5 per cent of total aid spending in 2009. National governments have committed themselves to this work by signing up to the international agreements on disaster risk reduction. While many have developed policies and legislation too little effective action has happened.

Bangladesh is an example of the importance of this work. In 1991 a cyclone struck Bangladesh killing an estimated 140,000 people. A similar sized cyclone hit the country in 2007 killing 3,406 people, still a high death toll but much reduced due in part to the government’s efforts at implementing early warnings and evacuating people to safety.

“Shifting more money to preventing and reducing the risk of disaster makes eminent sense but it does not mean taking it away from urgent humanitarian response. It is not the case of either or. We will still need the funds to immediately respond to dire human crises,” said Cocking.

This vision of a new humanitarian world is fraught with challenges. Ensuring the quality of aid and the principles that guide humanitarian action will not be easy.

Over the last two decades a great deal of effort has been done to lay down minimum standards and quality of humanitarian aid. National governments and local organisations will need a great deal of support, and in some cases encouragement, to adhere to these standards.

The more fundamental challenge will be upholding the principles of impartiality – aid based on need - and independence – aid free of political interest. Many Western donors tend to focus on their spheres of influence and interest which may not coincide always with meeting human need. Non-Western donors are now becoming more important funders of humanitarian operations. But they too have their own particular interests. For example the Arab and Muslim countries in 2011 gave generously to Somalia, Libya and Yemen. These decisions reflect political and cultural affinities but also raise questions of how aid is to be targeted to human need.

New entrants into the operations of humanitarian aid will pose challenges to impartiality and independence. The increased involvement of the private sector in supporting the aid effort is welcome and has many benefits but running aid programs themselves will challenge humanitarian principles given that commercial interest sits uncomfortably with putting human need first and foremost.

Written by Filipa Guinote, Capacity Strengthening Officer, Watchlist

Stories of horrific violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are all too common; however, there are even more attacks—especially on women and children—that we don’t hear about. Villages, especially in the eastern provinces, are often raided by armed groups. Women and girls are raped and need immediate medical assistance; but health facilities are scarce. Boys and girls are abducted to be used as soldiers or porters. Girls are taken to be cooks and wives. These villages are isolated and have almost no means to defend themselves. Despite a 2008 peace agreement, the DRC’s eastern provinces continue to be plagued by violent conflict. And civilians face egregious violations on a daily basis.

One of the biggest challenges the humanitarian assistance community faces in monitoring, reporting and responding to human rights violations in a country like the DRC is access: access to information about the violations, and access to the victims who need urgent assistance. In a country the size of Western Europe, with a large swathe of jungle and poor infrastructure, attacks can go unreported for weeks and months. And victims are often unable to get assistance because they don’t know that help is available, where to get it or how to get there. But that is beginning to change.

While health and support services are extremely limited, cell phone service is not. Over the last five years, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict* and its local partner organization in South Kivu have been using cellular technology to link those who have experienced violence to those who can help them. Cell phone communication is booming all over Africa, and the DRC is no exception: cells phones are becoming ubiquitous. Cell towers are being built rapidly, expanding reception to even the most remote areas. Outlying villages in South Kivu don’t have electricity, but these communities are using solar energy-operated cell phones and chargers—which is enabling hundreds of people to get help.

Our local partner has given out these cell phones (and credit) for use in an emergency and mapped out service providers in the area. Each call sets in motion a rapid response, as our partner organization assesses what type of help is needed, identifies the nearest resource and brings the aid provider and the victim together. Since the end of 2006, more than 400 victims of human rights violations living in remote areas of South Kivu have received assistance through this initiative. Most of them are children, who don’t have anywhere else to turn.

In addition to being a rapid response tool, cell phones are used to systemically report and track conflict-related violations against children—Watchlist’s main focus. These violations include killing and maiming; rape and other forms of sexual violence; abduction; denial of humanitarian assistance; attacks on schools and the recruitment and use of children as combatants. Cases collected through this initiative are verified and coded to protect the security and privacy of victims. This documentation helps us advocate on the children’s behalf at the highest level, both in the DRC and internationally, specifically at the United Nations and its Security Council.

These reporting efforts, coupled with targeted high-level advocacy by Watchlist and our partners, have led to positive, concrete results. Children’s rights violations are now grounds for sanctions against individuals involved in the conflict in the DRC. In a landmark case that is now entering the final stages at the International Criminal Court, Thomas Lubanga, a former commander of a major armed group in the DRC, was charged with a war crime for his use of child soldiers. Moreover, hundreds of children have been released or escaped from the ranks of armed groups in the DRC. The UN and local organizations have helped them return to their families safely and get the health care, psychosocial assistance and educational opportunities they need.

With the simple use of cell phones, some of world’s most vulnerable children can finally be heard.

• Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict is a program of the Women's Refugee Commission.

By David Singh

GENEVA, 6 February 2012 - Floods that began in January and which continue to heap misery on communities in Africa, the Americas, Australia and the Pacific, are a strong indication that over 100 million people will again be affected by floods this year in line with long-term trends.

“Widespread floods in January are in keeping with long-term disaster trends which show that floods are the most dominant disaster category when it comes to the numbers affected. Over the last ten years annual averages of 106 million people have had their lives disrupted by floods.

“The frequency and impact of the storms and floods last month should encourage local governments in coastal and riverside areas to put in place the budgeting and infrastructure necessary to reduce the impact of floods and prevent the significant loss of life and livelihoods which comes with them”, said UNISDR Head, Margareta Wahlström.

In Australia, inhabitants of the town of Moree who have only just recovered from a major flood in November are now preparing for their worst forecasted flood in more than 35 years. Communities throughout south-west Queensland and north-west New South Wales are affected. The Balonne River in St. George Queensland reached a new record height today, after the town of 3,000 residents was ordered to evacuate yesterday.

A state of disaster remains in effect in areas on the west coast of Fiji that were ravaged by floods from 22-24 January. A flood watch is also in place as more heavy rains are expected. People in flood-prone areas have been advised to evacuate and take food, water and a change of clothes with them.

In Papua New Guinea, unusually heavy rainfall has resulted in floods and landslides that have damaged crops, houses, and roads as well as affected and displaced tens of thousands. On 25 January, a two-kilometre landslide destroyed two villages in the Southern Highlands province.

On January 15, Mozambique’s southern coast was hit by tropical depression Dando followed by cyclone Funso. The storms caused severe damages and floods and also affected communities in Malawi and South Africa, displacing thousands and damaging infrastructure.

In the north of Namibia, on 19 January, after re-opening for the academic year, some 60 schools were closed and children sent home after flooding.

And in Brazil, heavy rains on 5 January caused a dam in the town of Campo de Goytacazes in the south-eastern state of Rio de Janeiro to burst and flood the area, forcing thousands of families from their homes. In the neighbouring state of Minas Gerais where above average rain has been falling since October last year, floods and mudslides have displaced at least 10,000 people.

Wahlström commented: ”In light of the evidence which points towards increased hydro-meteorological hazards, can we really continue to say that these events are unexpected or are we simply just unprepared? The most important thing right now is to find immediate strategies to deal with displaced people and long-term strategies to protect communities from these life threatening yet preventable situations.”

More low pressure systems are on the way in the Pacific. The same is true for Southern Africa, from now and right up to March. Hydrology experts at Namibia’s Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry have said that the 2012 rainy season will last longer than last year; that flood levels and their impacts will be greater than last year; and that this year’s floods are expected to set a record compared to previous years.

Urgent policy actions needed to tackle food and nutrition security in the Arab world

February 6—Poverty and income inequality rates in the Arab world are higher than official numbers have suggested. Food security and poverty are particularly closely linked in Arab countries due to high vulnerability to food-related external shocks, including food price volatility, natural disasters, increasing water scarcity, and conflicts.

The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) report “Beyond the Arab Awakening: Policies and Investments for Poverty Reduction and Food Security” used innovative research methods and diverse sources of data to show a more realistic picture of the food security situation in the region and to prioritize policy areas for reducing poverty.

Food security poses a serious challenge for the Arab region due to high dependency on food imports exacerbated by global price volatility, diminished capacity for generating foreign exchange to pay for imported food, rising food demand driven by continued high population growth, and limited potential for agricultural growth due to severe water constraints and water resource management challenges.

Officially, less than 20 percent of the population in the Arab region lives under the $2/day poverty line, but income-only measures can be misleading. Child undernutrition rates, an alternate and arguably more comprehensive measure of food security, are high and have not decreased with GDP growth to the same extent as other regions in the world. In some cases, such as Egypt, undernourishment of children has increased over the past eight years. Child undernutrition is measured by the percentage of children younger than five years of age who are stunted. In the Arab region, one in five children is stunted, and the prevalence of child undernutrition in countries like Sudan, Comoros, Somalia, and Yemen is considerably higher, with rates around 40 percent or greater.

“As food security was one of the triggers of the Arab Awakening, finding policy responses to food insecurity is particularly important for policymakers in Arab countries,” said Clemens Breisinger, IFPRI research fellow and lead author of the report. “Given the high levels of growing dissatisfaction of people in the region, urgent actions should be taken.”

The report offers three key policy recommendations: 1) improve data and capacity for evidence-based decisionmaking, 2) foster growth that enhances food security, and 3) revisit the allocation and efficiency of public spending. Improve data and capacity for evidence-based decisionmaking

The region’s food-security progress is significantly slowed by a lack of reliable data. Poverty estimates only exist in half of the Arab countries and there is no common food security indicator in the region. The report proposes that countries should develop and improve the availability, accessibility, and quality of data to allow for accurate, evidence-based decisions for the wellbeing of the region’s economies and people. It also suggests that existing data, such as household surveys, social indicators, national accounts, and consumer prices should be made available in a timely fashion. Foster growth that enhances food security

Fostering economic growth is fundamental to enhance enhancing food security. Governments must encourage export-led growth to improve food security at the national level and generate foreign exchange revenues that allow food imports. Improving food security at the household level requires inclusive growth that generates income and jobs for the poor in both rural and urban areas. Revisit the allocation and efficiency of public spending

Even though governments in the Arab region spend more (as a share of GDP) on their citizens than anywhere else in the developing world, the efficiency of this spending should be assessed. “Public investments in agriculture, education, health, infrastructure, and social protection are most critical for reducing poverty and improving food security,” said Shenggen Fan, IFPRI’s director general. Because education spending is much less effective at reducing poverty in the Arab region compared to the rest of the world, countries should institute education system reforms to address relevant job market needs and skill gaps.

During this time, when the level of dissatisfaction among the region’s people is high and growing higher, there is an urgent need for strategic policies that address constraints to food security. Successful design and implementation of these strategies will require visionary leadership, sound laws and institutions, politicians who are accountable and listen to the voices of the people, and a civil society that is patient and accepts the tenants of democracy.

The report will be launched at the conference “Food Secure Arab World: A Roadmap for Policy and Research” co-organized by IFPRI and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia held in Beirut on February 6–7, 2012. For more information on the conference: http://fsaw2012.ifpri.info/.

To read the full report: http://www.ifpri.org/publication/beyond-arab-awakening
The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) seeks sustainable solutions for ending hunger and poverty. IFPRI is one of 15 centers supported by the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research, an alliance of 64 governments, private foundations, and international and regional organizations. Please visit our website at www.ifpri.org.
Contact Information:

Sarah Immenschuh, s.immenschuh@cgiar.org 00 961 76 073 256